Description
Migration literature has long focused on the social, cultural, and political lives of immigrants. The experiences of the children of immigrants, also known as second generation immigrants, are not examined as widely. This may be due to the assumption that second generation populations have weaker ties to their countries of ancestry than the first generation (Lee, 2008; Bloch, 2017; Kasinitz, Mollenkopf, Waters, and Holdaway, 2008). However, this assumption ignores the contributions of a significant segment of diaspora communities, which limits our knowledge of life within these communities. New thinking on how we perceive diaspora communities is needed to understand these communities holistically, and this can be done by exploring second generation immigrant patterns of transnational engagement.
Using data from my study on the transnational practices of second generation Ghanaians in London, New York City, and Accra, this paper argues that second generation methods of transnational engagement are different from, not weaker than, first generation methods of transnational engagement, and that recognizing this is vital for understanding future patterns of diaspora engagement. This paper explores the different transnational practices second generation Ghanaians use to maintain their connections to Ghana and examines the motivating factors that influence their decisions to participate in transnational engagement activities. Using a mixed methods approach, the study found that second generation Ghanaians are engaging in diaspora-homeland and diaspora-diaspora transnationalism through a variety of transnational practices including Ghanaian media consumption, creating second generation Ghanaian community organizations, visiting Ghana, and relocating to Ghana. Participation in transnational activities has been heavily influenced by the rise of the internet and social media.
